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Writing: Three Politico-Economic Questions

Three Politico-Economic Questions: The Second Question

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THE SECOND QUESTION.

Whether the public’s distrust of representative money1 is well-founded or not?

In a treatise on the present condition of Sweden with regard to wealth and well-being2, in which several reasons are adduced to prove the prosperity of the kingdom, the only thing complained of is the distrust of the public for representative money, but without carefully establishing whether that distrust is well-founded or not, although it is such an important question that most of Sweden’s prosperity or insolvency depends almost entirely on the answer to it. For if it can be shown to be groundless, Sweden is one of the wealthiest states in Europe, but if it is well-founded, the opposite is likely to be found to be the case. It is therefore necessary to examine the matter and, as the author of the above treatise was also able, with the same thoroughness as in other respects, to prove the prosperity of Sweden in this regard, I intend to suggest the opposite by presenting some evidence to the contrary.

That there is distrust among the public for representative money no one can deny who does not wish to close his eyes and ears in the company of his fellow-citizens or else, while keeping both open, would swear that he neither sees nor hears a thing. That distrust creates the grounds for a general discontent, and the discontent gives rise to much noise and unrest in the body politic, which can never be fully at ease unless each individual member is comfortable.

The representative money is nothing but an acknowledgement offered by the Bank of the Estates that its possessor has deposited there so and so many daler in specie or money, which he agrees, for his own convenience and that of others, to leave for safe-keeping in the bank until he finds it useful and necessary to withdraw his money from there. The representative money is thus not actual money but the Bank’s promissory notes for money. The cash that has been handed over in exchange for such certificates is therefore not the property of the Bank, nor that of the Crown, nor public funds, but belongs to each private individual who holds any of the Bank’s certificates.

The Bank is thus referred to as that of the Estates, not because the deputies of the Estates assembled in Stockholm are its proprietors but because the majority of them, hoc est three estates, have guaranteed its security, so that each private individual who may venture to deposit his money there should be certain that it will be kept there to his benefit as long as he so wishes and will be issued on demand without the slightest difficulty. Those deputies are therefore all the less free to regard the Bank as theirs and to keep its administration secret as they should rather, in view of their guarantee, be accountable to each private individual for the depositing of his money and why it is not paid out and also, as guarantors in such an important matter, pay damages in full to each private individual, who should in this case be regarded as the principal, or at least refer a wronged citizen to a court where he may recover the cash that he has deposited in the Bank.

The promissory notes were at first suspected by the general population on the same grounds as the mint-tokens and government bonds3 before then. For the basis of the institution itself was unknown to them. Was it then unreasonable to suspect a currency that they could clearly recognise as having no intrinsic value, when they still remembered the substantial losses they had previously incurred from such currencies possessing little or no value. Nor could any public announcement convince anyone, against their own experience, that specie would always be available on demand. It was that experience which, shortly after the introduction of the banknotes, increased the preference for representative money so much that there was little demand for specie, except from those who were able to accumulate some capital, who not unreasonably regarded the representative money as less suitable for that purpose than specie, as it could more easily be damaged by fire and water and often more easily be carried off by thieves. Nevertheless a large amount of small change was needed to sustain commerce, as well as free access, at the convenience of each individual, to other cash, which, it should be noted, is their own, that they have earned by their labour and commodities. If there is a shortage of the former it brings to a halt the regular circulation of commerce in a body politic, which is just as necessary as that of blood in our own. If the latter is restricted, it deprives an economically active citizen of the income that he has been promised for his commodity when he wishes to have it, and he is obliged to be satisfied with promissory notes as pre-payment for specie. If the vendor, for his own convenience, prefers to ask for representative money rather than specie, it is very useful to him. However, should he ask for payment in specie and be forced to accept the representative money, it will simply be a loan that the Bank is either unable or unwilling to honour, although it does pledge itself by the certification to do so unconditionally at some future date.

Now if a vendor is unable to insist on payment in specie for a saleable commodity but is obliged, against his will, to accept a bond, that in itself truly constitutes a great constraint and, should he be conducting business with someone who calls into question the reliability of the guarantor, he has to be regarded as moneyless and instantly rendered incapable of doing any business with a foreigner for lack of commodities, unless he is willing to exchange the bill for some currency, at a cost inflated by one hundred and fifty per cent, from those who have gained possession of all that the public has lost and are consequently entirely free, without any interference from others, to arbitrarily increase the value of the specie. Should he take the bond to the Bank a year or more later and demand that it be redeemed with cash and he is refused, and the bond will only be renewed if it has been worn out, the constraint is unquestionably increased still further; but if he does so 5, 6, 8 or up to 20 times without getting it redeemed for cash, apart from being compensated from time to time with a little small change, and he also hears all around him that the experience of others has been the same as his, then he is bound to become utterly bewildered.

Is it then groundless for him to distrust the bond, which no one will redeem nor anyone assume responsibility for in respect of him?

Such bonds must then also decline in value against the specie or, which is the same thing, the price of commodities that can be purchased for them will rise, as they appear to possess little or no security, which, be it noted, consists in nothing but their prompt and unconditional redemption.

And as the Bank is not a person, although it is administered by persons, but is a fund, consisting of the money belonging to those who for reasons of convenience have preferred to use banknotes, established for the use of everyone, so the credit of that fund also depends on everyone having perfect knowledge of the whole institution, the overall size of the fund, the number and value of the bonds issued by it and whether they are secured by money, properties, houses or shares; by whom, in what manner and for what remuneration it is administered; its profit or balance and so forth. Such information should be made available to the public in a brief and intelligible form, which in itself, however, would not yet be significant, for all of that can easily be written up, whether it actually corresponds to the truth or otherwise. Instead every honest citizen who can prove that he has 10 to 12,000 daler on deposit there should be granted free access to see with his own eyes the real condition of everything.

Nor is it by any means sufficient that certain deputies occasionally give some attention to this fund during sessions of the Diet. There are few of them and they are so overburdened with other business that they do not have time to check the relevant account books, and they are moreover exposed to the danger of being suborned. For it is certainly too delicate a matter to entrust the private means of millions of people to the supervision or audit of a few individuals from each estate, all the more so as the public has never yet been informed by its deputies of the real situation, the difficulty of which is also increased for the members of the Diet by the fact that far too few of them thoroughly understand the actual institution, with its practices and malpractices, and are therefore obliged to accept what they are told by the Administrators.

It should therefore not come as a surprise to anyone that the dissatisfaction of the public becomes implacable when the citizen is deprived of his money and commodities without being told where they are being placed, how they are being managed and whether they will ever be made available to him again, while for fear of being regarded as an agitator he is obliged to accept, in return for all the specie that he may possess, a few sheets of paper bearing undertakings that have not been honoured and to trust that they are equivalent to everything that he has lost.

These are the thoughts that have occurred to me on this matter. I am by no means convinced by them myself, but I am unable to refute them.


  1. representative money: Paper money as opposed to metal coins; the paper money has no intrinsic value, but it “represents” or bears the value that one assigns to it.
  2. a treatise on the present condition of Sweden with regard to wealth and well-being: This probably refers to C. F. Scheffer’s publication Tankar om Sweriges närwarande tilstånd, i anseende, til wälmåga och rikedom, which appeared in April 1761 and was reviewed in Lärda Tidningar 9.4.1761. This work gave rise during the course of the year to three polemical works or replies, of which Anders Nordencrantz wrote two.
  3. the mint-tokens and government bonds: The mint-tokens were coins of which the nominal value exceeded the metal value and which were not redeemed by the state according to their nominal value; here Chydenius refers to the token money issued 1715-1719. By government bonds Chydenius probably refers here to the bonds issued 1716-1717, which lost more of their value than the money tokens. From 1719 onward both were redeemed for half their nominal value.

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