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Writing: A Remedy for the Country

A Remedy for the Country, § 11

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§ 11

Such a confusion of high and low exchange rates thus already inevitably arises, even without any bank loans, simply from the kind of coin that the Bank is willing to pay out for the daler amount deposited in the Bank in exchange for the transfer notes.

Yet in all this there was nevertheless a measure in the value of the actual metal with which the receipt was honoured, above which the agio could not rise particularly far. But when bank loans were permitted against iron, houses, properties and shares, the loans were facilitated and increased; that is, when banknotes were issued for things that were not even coin and the Bank was not able to honour its notes on demand with coin, even though it held some property of the depositor as surety, only then did an inordinate fall in the exchange rate for bills begin, and these particular loans are the second cause of the ruin of our finances.

Had the Bank, when it thus refused to redeem notes, been liable, like all other banks in Europe, to be immediately sued by the note-holder and legally obliged to honour its notes, then the abuse in the issuing of notes would not have gone so far. This is the very thing on which the security of other banks depends, however great the secrecy of the Bank, but as the issuing of notes, as well as the secrecy, was governed by a power able to conduct matters without accountability and orderliness, all security was lost, which could not but lead us so far into confusion that there is scarcely a way of escaping from it any longer.

It is precisely this that constitutes the weakness of our banking institution.

For if, first, it does not lay down in what kind of coin or valuables – that is, with how much fine silver or copper – it must eventually redeem its notes;

Second, if its cash balance, income and expenditures, books and administration remain in future, as they have hitherto, a secret; but, third, if the note-holder is not advised in what court he may legally pursue his case against the Bank and benefit from the general law on claims, then not only will it be and remain impossible for the Bank to obtain any credit or for its notes to acquire any value, but also the subjects are put in danger, through the operations of the Bank and through no fault of their own, of losing house and home and all their property, as a sparrow is driven from the ear of grain.

Whether all that is to be regarded as equitable or not; whether it promotes or destroys the security of productive occupations and commerce; whether the Bank, established on such a basis, is of benefit or harm to the country; whether a Swede thereby retains the security pledged in § 2 of the constitution1 or is forcibly deprived of his property – all that the reader himself may judge.

With regard to these last three listed points, however, it should be noted that if the first and third condition are observed, the middle one will be unnecessary, and the last one can similarly be dispensed with if the first two are put into effect. But without the first, reinforced by one of the others, the matter cannot possibly be remedied or any bank remain in existence for very long without ruining the country.

To issue banknotes at will on the basis of a fluctuating tale-value; to keep the administration secret and not be responsible to any court in the world for one’s promissory notes, surely amounts to the greatest power of which it has hitherto been possible to conceive, which despots have been unable to exercise more extensively, and which has never lasted.

But if the exercise of such things is to be termed liberty among us, then each

and every person can easily see what little significance that word has in Sweden.


  1. . . . the security pledged in § 2 of the constitution: refers to the paragraph in the constitution that guarantees the ownership of all real and private property.

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