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Writing: Answer to the Question on Rural Trade

Answer to the Question on Rural Trade, § 3

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§ 3

Rulers have for ages past wished to arrogate to themselves the right to prescribe to their subjects by legislation in what manner and by what rules they should support themselves and have, often by severe penalties, obstructed the rise of several branches of industry.

The very first Law­giver, the greatest of all, did indeed present an economic law to mankind, to feed themselves by the sweat of their brows, but it was also so general that it neither condemned one to follow the plough nor privileged another so that he could simply live on a gain acquired without labour. It was entirely unlimited with regard to where and in what manner human beings should support themselves around the globe, whether they lived together in towns and villages or by themselves in the countryside. To support life is the first requirement of nature, and it will tolerate no limitation, as it extends far beyond the ties that have bound societies together. The leaders of societies cannot possess rights over life, nor exclude any means by which it may be sustained. The practice of moral vices, being always and in all circumstances harmful to humankind, is the only one to which the Almighty has desired to set limits by threats and punishments, but not to any way of honestly obtaining one’s food, clothing and comfort.

How, then, can rulers wish to arrogate to themselves a right that is beyond them? Nor do the wise leaders of our time do so, but petty princes dare to meddle in all manner of things that they do not understand, merely on the basis of their own or others’ prejudices or the advice of venal ministers. They gather a large portion of their subjects into certain groups and grant them advantages at the expense of the others, advantages that they entrench with privileges by which some are enabled to gain a superabundance by indolence and idleness, while the rest end their lives prematurely, owing to unemployment and starvation, or else seek to preserve their lives by emigrating.

To guarantee a subject security for his life and property and to arbitrarily prohibit some means of protecting the former and acquiring the latter appears to be a political contradiction that ought not to be possible in a well-ordered society, as precisely such regulations often devastate towns and countries far more than a bloody battle, especially if they are carefully observed, which seldom happens, however, in view of the great havoc that would be wreaked by them.

The necessities of life are manifold. A single earner often has to feed five, six or seven persons. All possible expedients are necessary for a worker with a modest daily wage; if a single one is closed off and he flees the country or perishes in misery with his family, that should in truth be attributed to the prohibitions and to the person who has issued them.

The orthodox politicians of our time may say: why should he need to starve? He is able to earn a living for himself and his family by his labour. But what if that is not enough? He will have to redouble his diligence, they say. I reply: But if that is still not sufficient? Well, they say: he should cut his coat according to his cloth. But his and his children’s stomachs will not endure that for many days: he has to think either of dying, stealing or fleeing – all of them hard choices.

I do not have time to pursue this proof further, but conclude it fairly with the preface of the young and enlightened King of France1 to his new and blessed decree of freedom:2 “Illusion or fancy,” he says, “has so far prevailed with some that they have asserted the right to work to be a royal prerogative that the King could sell and the subjects ought to buy from him. We hasten to reject such a maxim. God himself, when he gave humankind needs and made it indispensable for it to seek the means to satisfy them through labour, has (N.B.) given every human being as a possession that right to work; and this possession is the first, the most precious of all, the one that least of all can be restricted.”3

Such a King, with his minister,4 ought with good reason to be called great who has voluntarily relinquished an ancient right and a flattering control of the trades, who by this single decree, had it been carried into effect, would have benefited his subjects more than by distributing ten million livres annually to the poor.

From this the reader will already see how one should generally regard most of our economic laws, namely that they are hazardous steps towards the oppression of our species. Among these I include, with good reason, the prohibition against making it easier for the farmer to sell his goods by means of buyers in the countryside and through them obtain his requirements from the town, in the absence of which he is obliged to waste his valuable time on unnecessary journeys to town.


  1. Louis XVI (1754–93) was king of France from 1774 to 1792.
  2. . . . this new and blessed decree of freedom: refers to the famous six edicts of Louis XVI’s contrôleur général des finances (Minister of Finance), Anne-Robert-Jacques Turgot (1727–81), which were presented to the conseil du roi in January 1776. Here he suggested the abolition of the old feudal corvées and the guilds’ privileges but also the taxation of all three estates of the realm, the right in principle of every man to work without restriction, easier naturalization of foreigners, a free trade in corn, religious tolerance and many other things. However, as his reforms seemed too radical to the Nobility, the Clergy as well as the rich merchants, he was dismissed by the king later that year. Of Turgot’s enemies, Queen Marie Antoinette had the most influence on the king’s decision.
  3. Illusion or fancy. . .: the citation is from Édit du Roi, portant suppression des jurandes (Donné à Versailles au mois de févrïer 1776, registré le 12 mars en lit de justice), in A.R.J. Turgot, Œuvres, Nouvelle édition . . . avec les notes de Dupont de Nemours augmentée de lettres inédites . . ., Tome Second, Paris, 1844, p. 306. Chydenius probably quoted a translation in a newspaper article.
  4. his minister: i.e. Turgot.

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